Third, Boyer examines current West-East relationship, and what he finds is that West German opinion is dominant in discourse of the West-East relationship and refuses to treat input and opinions from former East German members seriously. Boyer admits that it is possible for former East Germans to fantasize some aspects of the GDR but, he also argues, none of them would fantasize actually returning to the historic GDR. Boyer argues the current construction of Ostalgie has created a “no-place” of East Germany. East Germany in this discourse is only “realistic” from a West German perspective. The East German perspective (despite its individual history, policy, structure, way of life, and outlook), is somehow invalid and thus unable to challenge the imagined "western" image of East Germany. Since the differences between West and East are realistic and profound at both the social and political level, the construction of a “no-place” East Germany is just a utopia (or indeed dystopia) of West German creation. 
As West Germany was reorganised and gained independence from its occupiers, the German Democratic Republic was established in East Germany in 1949. The creation of the two states solidified the 1945 division of Germany.  On 10 March 1952, (in what would become known as the " Stalin Note ") Stalin put forth a proposal to reunify Germany with a policy of neutrality, with no conditions on economic policies and with guarantees for "the rights of man and basic freedoms, including freedom of speech, press, religious persuasion, political conviction, and assembly" and free activity of democratic parties and organizations.  This was turned down; reunification was not a priority for the leadership of West Germany, and the NATO powers declined the proposal, asserting that Germany should be able to join NATO and that such a negotiation with the Soviet Union would be seen as a capitulation. There have been several debates about whether a real chance for reunification had been missed in 1952.
This uncertainty counts as one of the great triumphs of the modern age. In the past 70 years, supreme efforts have been made to erase national boundaries in Europe or at least render them harmless. This effort is known as the European Union, which includes 28 countries and, it must be said, is reliably boring. But that’s the whole idea. For thousands of years, the Continent generated not white papers but wars too numerous to mention—especially to Americans, who know them only from textbooks and strain to recall them only until the written test. “Europe’s Wars, 1648–1789: A Selection” takes up two pages in Appendix III of Norman Davies’ Europe: A History.